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Updated: 2017-02-25T05:13Z

Ideology (from Greek ιδεολογία) is a comprehensive set of normative beliefs, conscious and unconscious ideas, that an individual, group or society has.

An ideology is narrower in scope than the ideas expressed in concepts such as worldview, imaginary and ontology.[1]

Political ideologies can be proposed by the dominant class of society such as the elite to all members of society as suggested in some Marxist and critical-theory accounts. In societies that distinguish between public and private life, every political or economic tendency entails ideology, whether or not it is propounded as an explicit system of thought.

In the Althusserian sense, ideology is "the imaginary relation to the real conditions of existence".

Etymology and history

The term "ideology" was born during the Great Terror of French Revolution, and acquired several other meanings thereafter.

The word, and the system of ideas associated with it, was coined by Antoine Destutt de Tracy in 1796, while he was in prison pending trial during the Terror. The coup that overthrew Maximilien Robespierre allowed Tracy to pursue his work. [2][3] assembling the words idea, from Greek ἰδέα (near to the Lockean sense) and -logy, from -λογία.

Tracy reacted to the terroristic phase of the revolution by trying to work out a rational system of ideas to oppose the irrational mob impulses that had nearly destroyed him. He devised the term to refer to a "science of ideas" which he hoped would form a secure foundation for the moral and political sciences by examining two things: 1) sensations people experienced as they interact with the material world; and 2) the ideas that formed in their minds due to those sensations. He conceived of "Ideology" a liberal philosophy which provided a powerful defense of individual liberty, property, free markets, and constitutional limits on state power. He argues that among these aspects ideology is the most generic term, because the science of ideas also contains the study of their expression and deduction. [4]

Tracy worked this out during the Napoleonic regime, and Napoleon Bonaparte came to view 'Ideology' a term of abuse which he often hurled against his liberal foes in Tracy's Institut National. According to Karl Mannheim's historical reconstruction of the shifts in the meaning of ideology, the modern meaning of the word was born when Napoleon used it to describe his opponents as "the ideologues". Karl Marx adopted this negative sense of the term and used it in his writings (he described Tracy as a "fischblütige Bourgeoisdoktrinär", a fishblooded bourgeois doctrinaire). [5]

Tracy's major book, The Elements of Ideology, was soon translated into the major languages of Europe, and in the next generation, when post-Napoleonic governments adopted a reactionary stance, influenced the Italian, Spanish and Russian thinkers who had begun to describe themselves as "liberals" and who attempted to reignite revolutionary activity in the early 1820s (these included the Carlist rebels in Spain, the Carbonari societies in France and Italy, and the Decembrists in Russia).

In the century after Tracy, the term ideology moved back and forth between positive and negative connotations.

(Perhaps the most accessible source for the near-original meaning of ideology is Hippolyte Taine's work on the Ancien Régime (the first volume of "Origins of Contemporary France"). He describes ideology as rather like teaching philosophy by the Socratic method, but without extending the vocabulary beyond what the general reader already possessed, and without the examples from observation that practical science would require. Taine identifies it not just with Destutt De Tracy, but also with his milieu, and includes Condillac as one of its precursors. (Destutt de Tracy read the works of Locke and Condillac while he was imprisoned during the Reign of Terror.))

The term "ideology" has dropped some of its pejorative sting, and has become a neutral term in the analysis of differing political opinions and views of social groups.[6] While Karl Marx situated the term within class struggle and domination,[7][8] others believed it was a necessary part of institutional functioning and social integration.[9]


There has been considerable analysis of different ideological patterns. This kind of analysis has been described by some as meta-ideology – the study of the structure, form, and manifestation of ideologies. Recent analysis tends to posit that ideology is a coherent system of ideas, relying upon a few basic assumptions about reality that may or may not have any factual basis. Ideas become ideologies (that is, become coherent, repeated patterns) through the subjective ongoing choices that people make, serving as the seed around which further thought grows. According to most recent analysis, ideologies are neither necessarily right nor wrong. Believers in ideology range from passive acceptance through fervent advocacy to true belief. An excessive need for certitude lurks at fundamentalist levels in politics and religions.

This accords with definitions such as given by Manfred Steger and Paul James which emphasize both the issue of patterning and contingent claims to truth:

The works of George Walford and Harold Walsby, done under the heading of systematic ideology, are attempts to explore the relationships between ideology and social systems. Charles Blattberg has offered an account which distinguishes political ideologies from political philosophies.[11]

David W. Minar describes six different ways in which the word "ideology" has been used:

  1. As a collection of certain ideas with certain kinds of content, usually normative;
  2. As the form or internal logical structure that ideas have within a set;
  3. By the role in which ideas play in human-social interaction;
  4. By the role that ideas play in the structure of an organization;
  5. As meaning, whose purpose is persuasion; and
  6. As the locus of social interaction.

For Willard A. Mullins an ideology should be contrasted with the related (but different) issues of utopia and historical myth. An ideology is composed of four basic characteristics:

  1. it must have power over cognition
  2. it must be capable of guiding one's evaluations;
  3. it must provide guidance towards action; and
  4. it must be logically coherent.

Terry Eagleton outlines (more or less in no particular order) some definitions of ideology:[12]

  1. the process of production of meanings, signs and values in social life;
  2. a body of ideas characteristic of a particular social group or class;
  3. ideas which help to legitimate a dominant political power;
  4. false ideas which help to legitimate a dominant political power;
  5. systematically distorted communication;
  6. that which offers a position for a subject;
  7. forms of thought motivated by social interests;
  8. identity thinking;
  9. socially necessary illusion;
  10. the conjuncture of discourse and power;
  11. the medium in which conscious social actors make sense of their world;
  12. action-oriented sets of beliefs;
  13. the confusion of linguistic and phenomenal reality;
  14. semiotic closure;
  15. the indispensable medium in which individuals live out their relations to a social structure;
  16. the process whereby social life is converted to a natural reality.

The German philosopher Christian Duncker called for a "critical reflection of the ideology concept" (2006). In his work, he strove to bring the concept of ideology into the foreground, as well as the closely connected concerns of epistemology and history. In this work, the term ideology is defined in terms of a system of presentations that explicitly or implicitly claim to absolute truth.

Though the word "ideology" is most often found in political discourse, there are many different kinds of ideology: political, social, epistemological, ethical, etc.

Marxist view

Karl Marx posits that a society's dominant ideology is integral to its superstructure.

In the Marxist economic base and superstructure model of society, base denotes the relations of production and modes of production, and superstructure denotes the dominant ideology (religious, legal, political systems). The economic base of production determines the political superstructure of a society. Ruling class-interests determine the superstructure and the nature of the justifying ideology—actions feasible because the ruling class control the means of production. For example, in a feudal mode of production, religious ideology is the most prominent aspect of the superstructure, while in capitalist formations, ideologies such as liberalism and social democracy dominate. Hence the great importance of the ideology justifying a society; it politically confuses the alienated groups of society via false consciousness.

Some explanations have been presented. György Lukács proposes ideology as a projection of the class consciousness of the ruling class. Antonio Gramsci uses cultural hegemony to explain why the working-class have a false ideological conception of what are their best interests. Marx argued that "The class which has the means of material production at its disposal has control at the same time over the means of mental production."[13]

The Marxist formulation of "ideology as an instrument of social reproduction" is conceptually important to the sociology of knowledge,[14] viz. Karl Mannheim, Daniel Bell, and Jürgen Habermas et al. Moreover, Mannheim has developed, and progressed, from the "total" but "special" Marxist conception of ideology to a "general" and "total" ideological conception acknowledging that all ideology (including Marxism) resulted from social life, an idea developed by the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Slavoj Žižek and the earlier Frankfurt School added to the "general theory" of ideology a psychoanalytic insight that ideologies do not include only conscious, but also unconscious ideas.

Louis Althusser's Ideological State Apparatuses

Louis Althusser proposed both spiritual and materialistic conception of ideology, which made use of a special type of discourse: the lacunar discourse. A number of propositions, which are never untrue, suggest a number of other propositions, which are. In this way, the essence of the lacunar discourse is what is not told (but is suggested).

For example, the statement "All are equal before the law", which is a theoretical groundwork of current legal systems, suggests that all people may be of equal worth or have equal "opportunities". This is not true, for the concept of private property and power over the means of production results in some people being able to own more (much more) than others. This power disparity contradicts the claim that all share both practical worth and future opportunity equally; for example, the rich can afford better legal representation, which practically privileges them before the law.

Althusser also proffered the concept of the Ideological State Apparatus to explain his theory of ideology. His first thesis was "ideology has no history": while individual ideologies have histories, interleaved with the general class struggle of society, the general form of ideology is external to history.

For Althusser, beliefs and ideas are the products of social practices, not the reverse. His thesis that "ideas are material" is illustrated by the "scandalous advice" of Pascal toward unbelievers: "kneel and pray, and then you will believe". What is ultimately ideological for Althusser are not the subjective beliefs held in the conscious "minds" of human individuals, but rather discourses that produce these beliefs, the material institutions and rituals that individuals take part in without submitting it to conscious examination and critical thinking.

Ideology and the Commodity in the works of Guy Debord

The French Marxist theorist Guy Debord, founding member of the Situationist International, argued that when the commodity becomes the "essential category" of society, i.e. when the process of commodification has been consummated to its fullest extent, the image of society propagated by the commodity (as it describes all of life as constituted by notions and objects deriving their value only as commodities tradeable in terms of exchange value), colonizes all of life and reduces society to a mere representation, The Society of the Spectacle.[15]

Silvio Vietta: ideology and rationality

The German cultural historian Silvio Vietta described the development and expansion of Western rationality from ancient times onwards as often accompanied by and shaped by ideologies like that of the "just war", the "true religion", racism, nationalism, or the vision of future history as a kind of heaven on earth in communism. He said that ideas like these became ideologies by giving hegemonic political actions an idealistic veneer and equipping their leaders with a higher and, in the "political religions" (Eric Voegelin), nearly God-like power, so that they became masters over the lives (and the deaths) of millions of people. He considered that ideologies therefore contributed to power politics irrational shields of ideas beneath which they could operate as manifestations of idealism.[16][17]

Quasi-religious and tribal elements

In order to equip leaders with the 'God-like power' Vietta refers to above, ideology may contain any or all of the following quasi-religious/tribal themes; • ‘We are God’s chosen people’. Nationalist historian George Bancroft claimed; ‘the history of America is the gradual unfolding of God’s purpose’. In Turkey, before the fanatic Ataturk appeared, professor Ziya Gokalp, a precursor of Ataturk, said; ‘Turks are supermen’. Hegel asserted; ‘Prussia is the highest form of the nation state’. When Japan, 150 years ago, debated whether to restore the Meiji emperor, Atsutane proclaimed ‘the Emperor is God’. • ‘The enemy is at the gates’. The monetarist Friedrich Von Hayek wrote that ‘freedom is under threat as never before... socialist planning is the road to serfdom’. He exaggerated; what may have been true in Germany, Italy and Russia in the 1930’s did not necessarily apply to Britain and the US. Conservative thinker Edmund Burke also overstated by claiming that the French Revolution ‘had ended forever the glory of Europe’. • Scapegoating of spurious enemies. The Nazi mantra that ‘Jews deserve to die’ may be traced back through Karl Lueger and Pobedonostsev to Catherine the Great, who proclaimed that her Jews were officially foreigners, to be confined in the western Pale of Settlement; Victorian traditionalistMatthew Arnold insisted that ‘Americans are mostly Philistines’. Leo Strauss, a pioneer neo-conservative, demonised all tyrants; ‘western democracy is only safe if the whole world is made democratic’. Cleric Abul Ala Maududi proclaimed, ‘Pakistan is an Islamic state…in the view of Islam, rule by non-Muslims is evil’. Irish nationalist Douglas Hyde declared; ‘it is a national trait to dislike the English’. Extreme ideologies may include dehumanization; degrading the enemy to the status of a dog, pig, nigger or gook makes it easier for followers to kill, imprison, rob or assault the scapegoated population. • ‘We must reclaim a lost golden age’. Man is a risen ape, but the notion that we are fallen angels, like Adam and Eve, or Rousseau's Noble Savage, persists. ‘Garden of Eden’ ideas have been popular in all ages:- Know you the land where the lemon trees bloom, In the dark foliage the gold oranges glow. …..there, there would I go, o my beloved, with thee! (Goethe, 1795) We are stardust, we are golden, we have got to get ourselves back to the garden. (Joni Mitchell, ‘Woodstock’, 1969) Such ideology may appeal to past history, the argumentum ad historiam; Jean Monnet;‘Europe will lead the world once more’. Rousseau; 'man is born free and everywhere in chains’. In Ireland, WB Yeats and Standish O’Grady revived ancient Celtic tales; Yugoslav nationalism was nurtured by Franjo Racki’s ‘Illyrian movement' • 'Certitude and force of will can overcome all difficulties’. Zionist Theodor Herzl; ‘if you will it, it is no dream’. For Hegel, ‘war preserves the ethical health of nations’. Historian FJ Turner wrote, ‘it is the frontier spirit, informal, violent and crude, which has made us uniquely American… our democracy gains strength at each new frontier’.

 Such methods are often thwarted because in the sciences of human behavior there are no absolute proofs, only probabilities. As Goodhart's law states, 'nothing in history is inevitable, if people are historically conscious'. 'Certitude', as [[Oliver Wendell Holmes explained, 'leads to violence.' 

• ‘The Promised Land awaits’. Explorer David Livingstone instigated the scramble for Africa by exaggerating the fertility of the African interior and downplaying the risk of disease. For Zionist Jews, there were two separate movements; the left, under Herzl, wanted only part of Palestine; right-wingers favoured Jabotinsky’s plan for a wider Israel, including the West Bank and all of Jerusalem. The USA claimed a ‘Manifest Destiny’ to rule the entire North American continent, ‘from sea to shining sea’. • The sunk-costs fallacy; ‘Special efforts and sacrifice will be rewarded’. There is a popular belief, not always supported by the evidence, that history remembers past debts, and that ‘sunk costs’ can always be recovered. Mazzini, one of the first advocates of Italian unity, believed that ‘ideas ripen quickly when nourished with the blood of martyrs’. It was thought that the slaughter of World War One would ‘end war’ – but it didn’t. Jews in Nazi Germany often did not resist execution; they believed that their deaths would speed the Jewish return to Israel. • A 'special vision’. The theorist claims a ‘unique’ insight with unstoppable conviction, even when he’s wrong. Fundamentalists see their ‘holy book’ as universal wisdom, the only thing necessary to justify the seizure of power, and impervious to rational arguments.Karl Marx felt the same way about his ideas; ‘communism is the riddle of history, solved’. This special vision may include pseudoscience and other fallacies. The danger is that, if and when this vision fails, followers perceive it as the end of the world; they switch from prophetic to apocalyptic mode. Leo Strauss again; ‘better for the West to go down in honour, certain of its purpose, than to suffer a crisis of uncertainty’.

•  A list of commandments. Edmund Burke; ‘awe towards kings, affection to parliaments, duty to magistrates, reverence to priests, respect to nobles, and support for the aristocracy’ Sayyid Qutb, a founding spirit of Al-Qaeda, called for a moral renewal, ‘if Islam is again to be the leader of mankind’. His don’ts included alcohol, promiscuity, jazz, American religion, boxing, materialism, haircuts, and Zionism. 

Fallacious Arguments

(See List of fallacies)1) Red Herring; the tactic of changing the subject in order to distract attention from more serious problems 

2)shooting the messenger is a metaphorical phrase indicating the tactic of blaming the bearer of bad news; as when Donald Trump blames the media for criticizing him. 3) Ad Hominem/Mud-slinging are forms of red herring when the argument is deflected by a personal attack; for example, 'How can we believe this person when everyone knows how corrupt he is?' 4) weasel words/euphemism. Words which soften and thus distort the meaning of events; such as ‘collateral damage’ for killings, ‘take out’ for assassinate and ‘special rendition’ for torture.

5)Spin/propaganda is a means of influencing public opinion by presenting only one side of the argument; the ‘downside’ is not mentioned. ‘War-nography’, the lurid glamourizing of conflict, is an acute example. 6) generalization is the practice of deriving a general rule from limited, biased evidence; such as the false accusation that ‘all Muslims are terrorists’. 7) Cherry picking is a form of generalization in which only the evidence most favourable is produced.8) Extrapolating past trends. The present trend is that China's economy is expanding. But it takes a leap of faith to say that 'by 2040, China will rule the world’; This trend towards expansion may not necessarily be a linear one.   9) false premise  Jean Monnet said, ‘For peace to have a real chance, there must be a Europe’. It is broadly true that Europe has been at peace since 1945; but was this caused by European unity, or by some other factor, such as NATO, or the fear of mutually assured destruction?  Classical economics assumes that people are ‘rational’ and seek to ‘profit-maximise’; this leads neoconservatives to boldly claim that ‘markets are always right’ and that profits, growth and cost-cutting are the only way forward.   The Social Darwinism idea of survival of the fittest encouraged the false premise that only large groups and aggressive behaviour can succeed; this produced catastrophic results such as Nazism and eugenics. 
   As the late John Updike wrote in his novel Terrorist, ‘An empire sucks the blood of subject peoples so cleverly…everyone is innocent… yet, out of all this innocence, somehow evil emerges’. 

Political ideologies

In social studies, a political ideology is a certain ethical set of ideals, principles, doctrines, myths, or symbols of a social movement, institution, class, or large group that explains how society should work, and offers some political and cultural blueprint for a certain social order. Political ideologies are concerned with many different aspects of a society, including (for example): the economy, education, health care, labor law, criminal law, the justice system, the provision of social security and social welfare, trade, the environment, minors, immigration, race, use of the military, patriotism, and established religion.

Political ideologies have two dimensions:

  1. Goals: how society should work
  2. Methods: the most appropriate ways to achieve the ideal arrangement

There are many proposed methods for the classification of political ideologies, each of these different methods generate a specific political spectrum.[citation needed] Ideologies also identify themselves by their position on the political spectrum (such as the left, the center or the right), though precision in this respect can very often become controversial. Finally, ideologies can be distinguished from political strategies (e.g., populism) and from single issues that a party may be built around (e.g. legalization of marijuana). Philosopher Michael Oakeshott provides a good definition of ideology as "the formalized abridgment of the supposed sub-stratum of the rational truth contained in the tradition".

A political ideology largely concerns itself with how to allocate power and to what ends power should be used. Some parties follow a certain ideology very closely, while others may take broad inspiration from a group of related ideologies without specifically embracing any one of them. Each political ideology contains certain ideas on what it considers to be the best form of government (e.g. democracy, demagogy, theocracy, caliphate etc.), and the best economic system (e.g. capitalism, socialism, etc.). Sometimes the same word is used to identify both an ideology and one of its main ideas. For instance, "socialism" may refer to an economic system, or it may refer to an ideology which supports that economic system.

Studies of the concept of ideology itself (rather than specific ideologies) have been carried out under the name of systematic ideology.

Post 1991, many commentators claim that we are living in a post-ideological age,[18] in which redemptive, all-encompassing ideologies have failed, and this view is often associated[by whom?] with Francis Fukuyama's writings on "the end of history".[19] On the other hand, Nienhueser sees research (in the field of human resource management) as ongoingly "generating ideology".[20]

Slavoj Zizek has pointed out how the very notion of post-ideology can enable the deepest, blindest form of ideology. A sort of false consciousness or false cynicism, engaged in for the purpose of lending one's point of view the respect of being objective, pretending neutral cynicism, without truly being so. Rather than help avoiding ideology, this lapse only deepens the commitment to an existing one. Zizek calls this "a post-modernist trap".[21] Peter Sloterdijk advanced the same idea already in 1988.[22]

There are several studies that show that affinity to a specific political ideology is heritable.[23][24][25][26][27][28][29][30][31]

Government ideology

When a political ideology becomes a dominantly pervasive component within a government, one can speak of an ideocracy.[32] Different forms of government utilize ideology in various ways, not always restricted to politics and society. Certain ideas and schools of thought become favored, or rejected, over others, depending on their compatibility with or use for the reigning social order.

Epistemological ideologies

Even when the challenging of existing beliefs is encouraged, as in scientific theories, the dominant paradigm or mindset can prevent certain challenges, theories, or experiments from being advanced.

A special case of science adopted as ideology is that of ecology, which studies the relationships among living things on Earth. Perceptual psychologist James J. Gibson believed that human perception of ecological relationships was the basis of self-awareness and cognition itself. Linguist George Lakoff has proposed a cognitive science of mathematics wherein even the most fundamental ideas of arithmetic would be seen as consequences or products of human perception—which is itself necessarily evolved within an ecology.

Deep ecology and the modern ecology movement (and, to a lesser degree, Green parties) appear to have adopted ecological sciences as a positive ideology.

Some accuse ecological economics of likewise turning scientific theory into political economy, although theses in that science can often be tested. The modern practice of green economics fuses both approaches and seems to be part science, part ideology.

This is far from the only theory of economics to be raised to ideology status—some notable economically based ideologies include neoliberalism, monetarism, mercantilism, mixed economy, social Darwinism, communism, laissez-faire economics, and free trade. There are also current theories of safe trade and fair trade which can be seen as ideologies.

Psychological research

Psychological research[33] increasingly suggests that ideologies reflect (unconscious) motivational processes, as opposed to the view that political convictions always reflect independent and unbiased thinking. Jost, Ledgerwood and Hardin proposed in 2008 that ideologies may function as prepackaged units of interpretation that spread because of basic human motives to understand the world, avoid existential threat, and maintain valued interpersonal relationships.[33] These authors conclude that such motives may lead disproportionately to the adoption of system-justifying worldviews. Psychologists have generally found that personality traits, individual difference variables, needs, and ideological beliefs seem to have a common thread.[citation needed]

Ideology and semiotic theory

According to the semiotician Bob Hodge, ideology "identifies a unitary object that incorporates complex sets of meanings with the social agents and processes that produced them. No other term captures this object as well as 'ideology'. Foucault's 'episteme' is too narrow and abstract, not social enough. His 'discourse', popular because it covers some of ideology's terrain with less baggage, is too confined to verbal systems. 'Worldview' is too metaphysical, 'propaganda' too loaded. Despite or because of its contradictions, 'ideology' still plays a key role in semiotics oriented to social, political life."[34] Authors such as Michael Freeden have also recently incorporated a semantic analysis to the study of ideologies.

See also


  1. ^ Steger, Manfred B.; James, Paul (2013). "Levels of Subjective Globalization: Ideologies, Imaginaries, Ontologies". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology. 12 (1–2.). 
  2. ^ Kennedy, Emmet (Jul–Sep 1979). ""Ideology" from Destutt De Tracy to Marx". Journal of the History of Ideas. 40 (3): 353–368. JSTOR 2709242. doi:10.2307/2709242. 
  3. ^ Hart, David M. (2002) Destutt De Tracy: Annotated Bibliography
  4. ^ Kennedy, Emmet (Jul–Sep 1979). ""Ideology" from Destutt De Tracy to Marx". Journal of the History of Ideas. 40 (3): 353–368. JSTOR 2709242. doi:10.2307/2709242. 
  5. ^ De Tracy, Destutt (1801) Les Éléments d'idéologie, 3rd ed. (1817), p. 4, cited by: Mannheim, Karl (1929) Ideologie und Utopie, 2nd footnote in the chapter The problem of "false consciousness"
  6. ^ Eagleton, Terry (1991) Ideology. An introduction, Verso, pg. 2
  7. ^ Tucker, Robert C (1978). The Marx-Engels Reader, W. W. Norton & Company, pg. 3.
  8. ^ Marx, MER, pg. 154
  9. ^ Susan Silbey, "Ideology" at Cambridge Dictionary of Sociology.
  10. ^ James, Paul; Steger, Manfred (2010). Globalization and Culture, Vol. 4: Ideologies of Globalism. London: Sage Publications. 
  11. ^ Blattberg, Charles, "Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies", in Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in Practical Philosophy, Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009.[1]
  12. ^ Eagleton, Terry (1991) Ideology: An Introduction, Verso, ISBN 0-86091-319-8
  13. ^ Marx, Karl (1978a). "The Civil War in France", The Marx-Engels Reader 2nd ed. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 
  14. ^ In this discipline, there are lexical disputes over the meaning of the word "ideology" ("false consciousness" as advocated by Marx, or rather "false position" of a statement in itself is correct but irrelevant in the context in which it is produced, as in Max Weber's opinion): Buonomo, Giampiero (2005). "Eleggibilità più ampia senza i paletti del peculato d'uso? Un'occasione (perduta) per affrontare il tema delle leggi ad personam". Diritto&Giustizia edizione online.   – via Questia (subscription required)
  15. ^ Guy Debord (1995). The Society of the Spectacle. Zone Books. 
  16. ^ Silvio Vietta (2013). A Theory of Global Civilization: Rationality and the Irrational as the Driving Forces of History. Kindle Ebooks. 
  17. ^ Silvio Vietta (2012). Rationalität. Eine Weltgeschichte. Europäische Kulturgeschichte und Globalisierung. Fink. 
  18. ^ Bell, D. The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties (2000) (2nd ed.). Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, pg. 393
  19. ^ Fukuyama, F. (1992)The End of History and the Last Man. USA: The Free Press, xi
  20. ^ Nienhueser, Werner (2011). "Empirical Research on Human Resource Management as a Production of Ideology" (PDF). Management Revue. Rattner Hampp Verlag. 22 (4): 367–393. ISSN 0935-9915. doi:10.1688/1861-9908_mrev_2011_04_Nienhueser. Retrieved 2015-08-27. [...] current empirical research in HRM is generating ideology. 
  21. ^ Zizek, Slavoj (2008). The Sublime Object of Ideology (2nd ed.). London: Verso. pp. xxxi, 25–27. ISBN 9781844673001. 
  22. ^ Sloterdijk, Peter (1988). Critique of Cynical Reason. US: University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 9780816615865. 
  23. ^ Bouchard, T. J., and McGue, M. (2003). "Genetic and environmental influences on human psychological differences." Journal of Neurobiology, 54 (1), 44–45.”
  24. ^ Cloninger, et al. (1993).
  25. ^ Eaves, L. J., Eysenck, H. J. (1974). "Genetics and the development of social attitudes." Nature, 249, 288–289.”
  26. ^ Alford, (2005). "Are Political Orientations Genetically Transmitted?",%20et%20al%202005%20APSR%20Genetics.pdf
  27. ^ Hatemi, P. K., Medland, S. E., Morley, K. I., Heath, A. C., Martin, N.G. (2007). "The genetics of voting: An Australian twin study." Behavior Genetics, 37 (3), 435–448.
  28. ^ Hatemi, P. K., Hibbing, J., Alford, J., Martin, N., Eaves, L. (2009). "Is there a 'party' in your genes?" Political Research Quarterly, 62 (3), 584–600.
  29. ^ Settle, J. E., Dawes, C. T., and Fowler, J. H. (2009). "The heritability of partisan attachment." Political Research Quarterly, 62 (3), 601–613.
  30. ^ Anonymous Conservative. "The Evolutionary Psychology Behind Politics."
  31. ^ Trust, Michael. "Modern Political Thought in the Context of Evolutionary Psychology" (PDF). Retrieved 26 March 2017. 
  32. ^ Jaroslaw Piekalkiewicz, Alfred Wayne Penn. Politics of Ideocracy. 
  33. ^ a b Jost, John T., Ledgerwood, Alison, & Hardin, Curtis D. (2008). "Shared reality, system justification, and the relational basis of ideological beliefs." Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 2, 171–186
  34. ^ Bob Hodge, "Ideology", at Semiotics Encyclopedia Online.


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